Will Peter Mutharika knock out Lazarus Chakwera in 2025 presidential race?

Malawi Politics

It is an open secret now that both Arthur Peter Mutharika colloquially called APM and Lazarus Chakwera have officially expressed their interest to stand as presidential candidates in the forthcoming 2025 tripartite General elections.

Malawians  are anxious to know who will be the most likely candidate to win the 2025 presidential race.

This article endeavours to explore the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of Chakwera and APM as they both strategise for the big fight.

Why Chakwera?

First, unlike APM, Chakwera enjoys  an added advantage of accessing government resources when strategising for 2025 presidential elections.

If people think that this is a threat to APM, then they will be surprised   to know that he managed to knock out Joyce Banda in 2014 while she had all government resources at her disposal.

However, some of school of thought might be counter arguing that obviously Chakwera’s strategies will be dissimilar to Joyce Banda’s.

Second, the ruling Malawi Congress Party (MCP) had been in the opposition bench for over 26 years before it ascended to power. Therefore, President Chakwera is highly motivated to finish off his second presidential term while ensuring that MCP grips to power for a substantial extended period of time.

Third, despite an economic turbulence currently swaying in Malawi, Chakwera Government has managed to revamp international donor confidence such that International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, European Union and many others have pledged their financial support.

It is highly expected that such international budgetary support and credit facilities will boost Malawi’s economy in the next few years.

Fourth, Chakwera government is currently  erecting infrastructural developments in all regions of Malawi. Unlike  previous governments, uncompleted projects from previous regimes are being fanalised.

Fifth, Chakwera’s oratory skill is an asset on its own as it is highly likely that a gullible and illiterate  voter will be easily convinced.

Sixth, unlike previous regimes, President Chakwera has reinvigorated cordial relationships with various countries. It is envisaged that such countries will want to have such relations maintained by offering overt support in one way or another.

Seventh, while MCP enjoys a lion’s political support in the central region, Chakwera has also penetrated Lower Shire and Eastern region of the country. These extra votes will have a greater network effect.

Eighth, Chakwera Government enjoys the pandemonium and divisions taking place in the weak main opposition party. It is common knowledge that a house that is divided amongst itself does not stand.

Ninth, in a country where  over 90% of the people are religious, it is not surprising that many Malawians may still opt to vote for the man of God, Reverend Chakwera in 2025 thinking that by miracle our own reverend will resuscitate  the ailing economy.

Lastly but not least, unlike APM, President Chakwera is still vibrant and energetic.

In a population in which the youth take a large proportion, Chakwera still stands a  chance of being voted by many youths.

Despite all the aforementioned advantages, Chakwera has a lot of weaknesses and threats that weigh him down.

It is pathetic that Chakwera’s Government has messed up the economy. Inflation rate has gone up resulting into prices of basic goods and services becoming more  unaffordable  to a local Malawian.

As if that is not enough, the untimely devaluation of the local currency has made  people’s lives more unbearable.

Due to reckless borrowing, both foreign and domestic debts have skyrocketed. Unfortunately, there are no formidable plans to manage such a huge debt.

President Chakwera has also been faulted for uttering hypocrisy and lies.

When in opposition, Chakwera was at the forefront condemning corruption, nepotism, dishonesty and selective justice.

However, once Chakwera ascended to power, he was the first one to promote the very same  aforementioned vices.

Upon ascendancy to power, President Chakwera  immediately sent his daughter, Violet, to UK embassy and consequently  appeased some MCP sycophants with diplomatic missions.

He even unashamedly  pardoned corruption convict, Uladi Mussa and corrupt suspect, Bakili Muluzi.

It is pathetic that during Chakwera’s era, selective justice has reached such unprecedented levels. It is unimaginable,  that a court order can be granted to restrain the Anti-Corruption Bureau from prosecuting and interrogating a corruption suspect, Kezzie Msukwa.

Chakwera regime is well known for mapwevupwevu syndrome whereby over-expenditure   of government resources has been the order of the day.

Amid the pronouncement of economic  austere measures, President Chakwera travelled all over the world like nobody’s business.

No wonder many Malawians have lost trust in President Chakwera because of his empty campaign promises.

Furthermore Chakwera’s laissez faire style of leadership leaves a lot to be desired. There is no way our ailing economy can resuscitate on its own by miracle.

Lastly Chakwera government has been faulted for its policy of secrecy. One wonders how and why a public sector reform report can be kept secret.

But why APM?

First, it is widely believed that Malawi’s economy was relatively stable during Prof. Peter Mutharika’s regime.

It is therefore against this background that many Malawians feel that APM will be a panacea to our ailing economy.

Second, technocrats and political analysts agree that APM was robbed in broad daylight of his 2019 presidential elections victory.

Frankly speaking, the results of 2019 presidential elections are statistically similar to 2020  fresh presidential elections.

No wonder many people have faulted the Constitutional court for nullifying fair and legitimate 2019 presidential elections when it admitted  that it found no evidence of rigging.

It is therefore highly  likely that  APM can get massive sympathy votes from the electorate.

Third, APM can also win 2025 presidential elections because the Tonse Alliance has finally disintegrated.

Sadly, members of  Tonse Alliance have lately discovered that their agreement was a scam. They feel duped.

Frankly speaking, it was the Tonse Alliance that pushed Chakwera  to victory.

Fourth, even though DPP was known for corrupt activities, people have now realised that corruption in the Chakwera’s government is even worse.

It is not surprising that the incumbent vice president and other former cabinet ministers are answering charges of corruption and bribery.

Unlike President Chakwera, it is envisaged that Prof. Mutharika will have a political will to curb corruption in Malawi.

Fifth, unlike Chakwera’s government, APM regime has never been embroiled in practicing nepotism directly.

Malawians are at a loss now because one needs to be connected in order to get employment in the public sector.

Sixth, APM is still being appreciated  as a president who could formulate pro-poor policies. This is why Mutharika’s government did  not devalue the local currency willy-nilly.

I still recall that there were multiple cash transfers that targeted various underprivileged citizens in the local community.

In addition, APM’s regime emphasised on developing technical  skills in various community colleges across the country. Obviously, this could circumvent the prevalent joblessness among  the youth.

Seven, former President APM is well known for being politically tolerant. He literally allowed demonstrators to exercise their constitutional rights by protesting against the 2019 presidential elections results.

In Zimbabwe, for example, such freedom was suppressed and President Emmerson Mnangagwa still maintained power thereafter.

Eighth, the mapwevupwevu syndrome prevalent in Chakwera’s government was not there during APM’s era.

APM used to spend resources within  the budget. Most of Mutharika’s trips were planned for and were within the budget.

Ninth, being a professional lawyer, it is only Prof. Peter Mutharika’s leadership that can deal with selective justice which is rampant in the judiciary.

Nowhere in the world can elections be nullified if there is no evidence of rigging.

How can a competent court of law restrain the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB)  from prosecuting and interrogating  a corruption suspect such as Kezzie Msukwa?

Lastly but not least, Prof. Peter Mutharika is development conscious. Many Malawians want APM to bounce  back to the seat to continue with his ambitious infrastructural developments  such as Area 18 interchange.

Despite all APM’s positive aspects, some people are skeptical about his leadership stamina?

Why has APM failed to resolve internal DPP squabbles up to the extent that the aggrieved individuals had to seek court arbitration?

If a leader is not able to resolve small misunderstandings at a party level, how can he competently do better at a national level? Others wonder too.

Some quarters are also worried about his old age. If his bodyguard was able to access president’s tpin, how can people entrust him with the state leadership at advanced age?

In conclusion, winning a presidential election is a function of a myriad of factors.

One thing for sure is that having a winning political strategy leads to victory.

President Chakwera can only win 2025 presidential elections if most of the campaign promises are fulfilled.

He must strive to put in place economic and monetary policies that deliberately improve the living standards  of local Malawians.

Otherwise, if Prof Peter Mutharika and DPP expeditiously get organised by capitalising on the weaknesses of the current regime, the opposition stands a great chance of emerging the victor in the 2025 presidential elections.